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<text id=89TT2394>
<title>
Sep. 11, 1989: Subversion By Cassette
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1989
Sep. 11, 1989 The Lonely War:Drugs
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
VIDEO, Page 80
Subversion by Cassette
</hdr><body>
<p>The VCR boom spells trouble for authoritarian regimes
</p>
<p> In Communist Cuba, movie fans enjoy watching the
Red-bashing heroics of Rambo on illicit videocassettes. In
largely Muslim Pakistan, puritanical censors can do little to
stop a thriving underground market for X-rated videotapes. In
the Soviet Union, video newsmagazines produced by the weekly
political magazine Ogonyok supply a provocative alternative to
government-sanctioned TV news. Karen rebels fighting against the
government of Burma seek to boost the morale of their troops
with -- what else? -- camcorder footage from the front.
</p>
<p> For most Americans the home-video revolution has meant
little more than a bigger selection of movies to choose from on
Saturday night. Elsewhere in the world, however, the video age
is bringing profound cultural and political changes.
Authoritarian governments could once restrict the flow of
information to their citizens by controlling the content of
radio and TV programs. Now the proliferation of video recorders
and the free flow of bootlegged tapes have made that task much
more difficult -- and opened the way for subversion by
videotape.
</p>
<p> Though not yet the staple they have become in the U.S.,
VCRs are common throughout the Third World, even in the poorest
and most remote areas. (In Bangladesh, where the annual per
capita income is about $150, there are an estimated 4,000 video
clubs.) People who do not have their own VCRs congregate in
makeshift theaters, video parlors or friends' homes to watch en
masse. In some areas a number of homes are linked to one VCR in
a crude (and usually illegal) cable-TV setup.
</p>
<p> The main attraction is imported entertainment -- everything
from Hollywood hits like Rain Man to Indian soap operas and
Hong Kong martial-arts films. The influx of such fare has tended
to break down cultural barriers. Authorities in India and
Pakistan, for example, frown on the viewing of TV shows from
across the border. But popular Pakistani soap operas have found
a receptive video audience in India, while Hindi musicals from
India are hits with VCR watchers in Pakistan.
</p>
<p> Some fear that the internationalization of TV entertainment
may lead to a loss of cultural identity. Chinese kung-fu films
are popular in Indonesia, for instance, despite criticism that
such films perpetuate images of Chinese superiority. The booming
black market in X-rated fare has disturbed religious and
cultural leaders in several Muslim countries. "Video watching
is adding to the degeneration of our youngsters," says Selima
Rahman, an author in Bangladesh. "If it is not checked soon, we
will be faced with complete moral decadence."
</p>
<p> Perhaps the most subversive impact of the VCR, however, can
be seen in the political arena. No matter how firm a clamp is
placed on a nation's media, it can be thwarted by a determined
opposition armed with video cameras. Doordarshan, the state-run
television network in India, is regarded as a mouthpiece for the
ruling Congress (I) government; a more objective viewpoint is
conveyed in the widely circulated video magazine Newstrack. In
Mexico a group of independent filmmakers produced a video
documentary showing instances of government fraud after the
elections in July 1988. Indian tribes in Brazil keep video
cameras handy to make a record of their tribal customs and to
record their meetings with government officials. "That way,"
says Ailton Krenak, director of the Union of Indigenous Nations,
"we can catch their lies and make them hold true to their
promises."
</p>
<p> Video is also a powerful weapon of revolutionary movements.
Palestinians are using video to document their claims of
brutality by Israeli soldiers in suppressing the intifadeh. The
mujahedin rebels of Afghanistan have shot hundreds of hours of
videotape, both to rally supporters and to supply foreign news
organizations with footage from the field. In 1984 members of
the Tamil Eelam Liberation Organization staged a surprise attack
on a Sri Lankan police station. The attack took place, daringly,
in broad daylight -- so that it could be recorded on video.
</p>
<p> The use of video to flout political and cultural orthodoxy
has led to government crackdowns. Kenya has instituted a ban on
videos deemed to be morally offensive; titles on the hit list
range from Nude Jell-O Wrestling Special to The Year of Living
Dangerously. In July, Viet Nam's Minister of Culture, Tran Van
Phac, blaming videotapes for a breakdown in the morals of youth,
called for strict new measures to limit the importation of VCRs
and the viewing of cassettes.
</p>
<p> Yet elsewhere the spread of videocassettes is helping to
loosen media restrictions. In Taiwan authorities have relaxed
their censorship of movies, reasoning that the films will be
seen uncut anyway on the video black market. Other countries,
such as Indonesia and Cuba, are trying to broaden the
entertainment fare offered on national TV channels in an effort
to compete with home video. "The only way to limit the influence
of videos," says an official of Indonesia's television
authority, "is to give people alternatives."
</p>
</body></article>
</text>